The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

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KDF33
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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by KDF33 » 22 Feb 2023 08:37

Aida1 wrote:
22 Feb 2023 08:15
The above document was mentioned by me to you. :roll: I even have it on my laptop :roll: Given that Wegner mentions only that one , it is not even certain any other still exists. Never seen a document mentioned with the december numbers .
In other words, you have no idea what the Kampfwerk was in December. Yet you still insist that the Ostheer weakened over the winter.
Given the heavy outflow in december, january and february you are making yourself look very foolish when you stubbornly keep pretending the german army got stronger during the winter. :lol: :lol:
The Germans sent about two dozen fresh divisions to the Ostheer during that period. It's silly to only look at the inflow of replacements, and ignore reinforcements by entire units.

If one applied your standard to the RKKA, one would also have to conclude that it was weaker in April than in December. For the sake of consistency, would you?

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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by Aida1 » 22 Feb 2023 11:56

KDF33 wrote:
22 Feb 2023 08:37
Aida1 wrote:
22 Feb 2023 08:15
The above document was mentioned by me to you. :roll: I even have it on my laptop :roll: Given that Wegner mentions only that one , it is not even certain any other still exists. Never seen a document mentioned with the december numbers .
In other words, you have no idea what the Kampfwerk was in December. Yet you still insist that the Ostheer weakened over the winter.
Given the heavy outflow in december, january and february you are making yourself look very foolish when you stubbornly keep pretending the german army got stronger during the winter. :lol: :lol:
The Germans sent about two dozen fresh divisions to the Ostheer during that period. It's silly to only look at the inflow of replacements, and ignore reinforcements by entire units.

Insufficient replacements means bleeding out of all divisions. And you are obviously conveniently igroring that the reinforcement divisions got chewed up as much as the others as i illustrated above. At the end of the winter they would be in the same depleted state as all the other divisions.
And not really high quality like the Walküre divisions who were setup in two weeks in the second half of december 1941 and quickly sent to the eastern front in january 1942. Divisions which were never intended for front duty.

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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by PunctuationHorror » 22 Feb 2023 12:10

KDF33 wrote:
19 Feb 2023 23:08
PunctuationHorror wrote:
19 Feb 2023 22:29
Yes, of course, quality of losses and replacements has absolutely no relevance here. Completely unimportant.
Whatever quality differential there might have been between German losses and their replacements, it didn't prevent them from resuming highly successful offensive operations by May 1942. Besides, a significant proportion of German replacements were Genesene, i.e. recovered wounded/sick.

What ultimately mattered, qualitatively-wise, was the balance between German and Soviet forces, and the qualitative deterioration on the Soviet side would have been greater than on the German side.
And losses of weaponry, equipment et cetera from retreat did not occur at all in 'winter' of 41/42.
It occurred, but not enough to significantly dent German stocks. See here:

Image
This leads me to the most important question: When exactly is that time he considers to be
by the end of the winter
?
For the sake of this argument, April 1.
Besides: How could one even think that cold, short days, snow and ice define winter?! No, we blithering fools learn, thanks to naziorganization33, obviously an 'expert', that winter is a set date. Therefore, according to naziorganiblaah33, winter in Argentina, Australia and Kiwiland starts on december 21st.
It doesn't matter how you cut it. If you take the beginning of the Moscow counteroffensive (December 5) as the beginning of 'winter' and the end of the Rzhev-Vyazma operation (April 20) as the end of 'winter', you'll also find that the strength of the Ostheer increased between those two dates.
Thank you for the table.
But, once again, I need your help: I can't find a column that reads 'Dez. 41' or 'Nov. 41'. How would one compare strength pre and post 'winter' without data for the pre 'winter' part? And I can't find the word 'Ostheer' in your table, either. Can you help me and point it out, where exactly your table says 'Ostheer'? You didn't confuse 'armament stocks of the whole German Army' with 'armament available on the Eastern Front', did you?

And a source (ya know, such annoyances as author, title, publisher, year, page of the excerpt) for this table would be nice too. Maybe I want to read it.

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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by Richard Anderson » 24 Feb 2023 20:41

KDF33 wrote:
22 Feb 2023 08:37
The Germans sent about two dozen fresh divisions to the Ostheer during that period. It's silly to only look at the inflow of replacements, and ignore reinforcements by entire units.
I've always been curious about this and recently dug into the records. The details, as always, are a little different from the impression. :D

If we take "that period" to be 1 December 1941 to the end of June 1942, we find the "fresh divisions" arriving were:

December 1941 - 83. Inf.-Div. arrived in OKH reserve by 17 December and then HG Mitte 11 January, 216. Inf.-Div. arrived by 23 December and went to HG Mitte, and 225. Inf.-Div. arrived by the end of December and went to HG Nord.

January 1942 - 208., 211., and 218. Inf.-Div. arrived from OB West. 208. and 211. went to HG Mitte, while 218. went to Nord.

February 1942 - 205. and 246. Inf.-Div., and 5. and 28. le.-Inf.-Div. arrived from OB West. 28. le.-Inf.-Div. was redesignated 28. Jäger-Div. and 5. le.-Inf.-Div. was redesignated 5. Jäger-Div. on 1 and 6 July 1942 respectively. 205. Inf.-Div. and 246. Inf.-Div. went to HG Mitte. 5. le. went to HG Nord and 28. le. to HG Süd. 329. Inf.-Div., a Walküre division, was sent to 16. Armee beginning 20 February and was committed to the relief of the Demyamsk Pocket under Stoßgruppe von Seydlitz by 21 March and suffered heavy casualties. 330. Inf.-Div., another Walküre division, began a foot march to 3. Panzerarmee in January, arriving in early February. 342. Inf.-Div. arrived from Croatia and went to HG Mitte.

March 1942 - 8. le.-Inf.-Div. arrived from OB West (France) and went to HG Nord. It was redesignated 8. Jäger-Div. in June 1942. 331. Inf.-Div. (a Walküre division), began a foot march to 4. Armee of HG Mitte in January, arriving in early March. 385. Inf.-Div. of the 18. Welle (“Rheingold”) arrived 11-28 March in Polotsk to HG Mitte. 5. Gebirgs-Div. arrived from Germany to HG Nord. 22. and 23. Pz.Div. arrived and joined HG Süd.

So far the buildup for BLAU was one Jgr.-Div. and two brand-new (and as it turned out, not very durable) Pz.-Div.

April 1942 - 384. Inf.-Div. of the 18. Welle (“Rheingold”) arrived from Königsberg and went to HG Süd. 387. Inf.-Div., also of the 18. Welle arrived from Döllersheim and went to HG Süd.

Okay! Two "fresh" Infanterie divisions HG Süd.

May 1942 - 305. Inf.-Div, arrived from OB West c. 20 May and was immediately committed to the Second Battle of Kharkov under HG Süd. 323. Inf.-Div. arrived from OB West and went to HG Süd. 336. Inf.-Div. arrived from OB West 7-14 May and went to HG Süd. 340. Inf.-Div. arrived from OB West by train at Volkovysk in Belarus and then marched by foot 523 kilometers to the vicinity of Gomel where it engaged in anti-partisan operations until June when it marched to Kursk arriving in early July as part of HG Süd. 389. Inf.-Div. of the 18. Welle (“Rheingold”) arrived from Milowitz and went to HG Süd.

Now we're getting somewhere. Five "fresh" Infanterie divisions for HG Süd.

June 1942 - 82. Inf.-Div. arrived from the Netherlands and went to HG Süd. 370. Inf.-Div. arrived from OB West (France) 18-21 June and went to HG Süd. 371. Inf.-Div. arrived from OB West (Belgium) 8-14 June and went to HG Süd. 376. and 377. Inf.-Div. arrived from OB West (France) and went to HG Süd. 383. Inf.-Div. of the 18. Welle (“Rheingold”), arrived from Germany and went to OKH Reserve and then HG B in July.

Six more "fresh" Infanterie divisions for BLAU.

So altogether just two fresh, if mediocre, Panzer, one Jgr., and thirteen Infanterie divisions were the "fresh" reinforcements for BLAU out of thirty-one "fresh" divisions dispatched to the Ostfront in that period.

Problematically too, even the Infanterie divisions were of indifferent quality. The Rheingold divisions were comprised almost entirely of UK-gestellte personnel who had been conscripted in the mobilization of late 1939/early 1940, received basic training and then at the end of the French campaign had been discharged and then called up again beginning 10 January. The others were all either mobilized originally as bodenständige divisions (some with recently issued German weapons replacing Czech ones) and hastily brought up to strength as an Angriffsdivision in February or in the case of the four 19. Welle divisions (370., 371., 376., and 377.) had been mobilized n February and March and were barely trained.

The real strength generation for BLAU was through the German habit of robbing Peter to pay Paul while concentrating on building up the strength of the Panzertruppen. The organizational measures envisaged to bring the Ostheer into shape for the summer campaign was set out in detail by OKH on 12 and 18 February in two separate orders. The primary aim was described as bringing a certain number of divisions and Heerestruppen to a fully refreshed state.

First, all Panzer divisions slated for BLAU were to be brought up to 3 Panzerabteilungen, and the motorized divisions were to receive 1 Panzerabteilung each. In this context, ten Panzerabteilungen were to be withdrawn from divisions in HG Mitte and transferred to the Panzer regiments of HG Süd. Personnel cadres were to be drawn from other units of the Heeresgruppen to fill them out.

Second, all Korps, Inf.-Div., le.Inf.-Div., and Geb.-Div. of AOK 6 and 17 and of PzAOK 1 and 4 were to be brought up to strength wherever possible, as well as five Korps and four Korps (mot) of HG Mitte.

Last, it was planned to transfer three Panzer Divisions and 6 ID from HG Mitte to the West without their equipment, there to be rebuilt.

All other units in the East could for the most part only expect to have their own resources to draw on for Auffrischung. The remaining Panzer Divisions could only expect to retain a single Pz.Abt. each. Divisions were to attempt, by redistribution of their own resources, to re-establish any subunits they had dissolved during the winter. This was facilitated for HG Süd almost accidentally. From December 1941 through March, HG Nord had received 94,000 replacements, or 62,000 fewer than its losses. For HG Mitte the deficit was worse, 256,500 men after receiving 180,800 replacements. However, HG Süd only had a Fehl of 17,400 men after receiving 112,500 replacements. What is amusing is that Müller-Hillebrand attributed the inequality of the distribution relative to the losses to the fact that OKH had yet to take firm control of the replacements system, which was still operating on its prewar planning basis where replacements were fed to divisions by their own Ersatzheer units upon request, rather than through a centralized plan.
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2KILFA
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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by 2KILFA » 14 Mar 2023 13:08

Richard Anderson wrote:
20 Feb 2023 18:32
KDF33 wrote:
19 Feb 2023 23:08
Whatever quality differential there might have been between German losses and their replacements, it didn't prevent them from resuming highly successful offensive operations by May 1942. Besides, a significant proportion of German replacements were Genesene, i.e. recovered wounded/sick.
While true, it is also difficult to assess how significant the number of Genesene were and how combat effective they were when they rerturned to duty,

For example, later in the war in January it was noted that 1,300 Genesene available to the Ersatzheer in January 1944 were recovered frostbite casualties and were no longer considered fit for service on the Ostfront so were sent to Heergruppe D for assignment to new units then forming.

There is a fairly complete breakdown of planned accessions of replacements for 1Q1942 that gives a fairly complete picture of the proportion of Genesene expected (RH 2 429-232).

January - 100,000 Ersatz, 43,000 Genesene
February - 202,000 Ersatz, 17,000 Genesene
March - 113,100 Ersatz, 17,000 Genesene
Total - 418,200 Ersatz, 77,000 Genesene

Note that these figures are significantly higher than what actually arrived:

January - 43,800
February - 124,100
March - 137,700

Müller-Hillebrand also noted (Das Heer, 110) that 620,000 Genesene returned to the Feldheer between 1 July 1941 and 30 June 1942 but that figure probably includes those relegated to limited service or sent to act as cadre for new formations in the west as mentioned above. In that same period, 1,252,400 Ersatz and Genesene were reported as arrived to the Ostheer.

Overall, it seems likely that something between 16 and 50 percent of the Ersatz sent to the Ostheer were Genesene and that the proportion varied widely over the course of the war. If interested I can dig and see if I have more information for the period after June 1942.
Do you happen to have Müller-Hillebrand's Das Heer books in German? I'm interested in volume 3.

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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by Richard Anderson » 14 Mar 2023 15:44

No, I'm afraid I only have access now to his monographs for the U.S. Army. They are the basis for his 3-volume work but are not the same.
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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by Peter89 » 14 Mar 2023 20:33

2KILFA wrote:
14 Mar 2023 13:08

Do you happen to have Müller-Hillebrand's Das Heer books in German? I'm interested in volume 3.
If you happen to travel to Freiburg any time, you can subscribe to Universitätsbibliothek Freiburg for 10 EUR and gain access to practically all relevant books (including this one) about WW2 in German. They also have a lot of contemporary materials, including the Dienst bei den Waffen hefts.
"Everything remained theory and hypothesis. On paper, in his plans, in his head, he juggled with Geschwaders and Divisions, while in reality there were really only makeshift squadrons at his disposal."

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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by LachenKrieg » 17 Apr 2023 17:49

Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
However, questioning the accuracy of accounts is not BS. Failing to acknowledge there is zero actual documentation for the "in April 1940 Hitler personally directed the Panzer III be armed with the 5cm L60 gun." And by "actual documentation" I am not referring to the ex post facto accounts of Spielberger or Guderian but to some document, any document, from the time this supposedly happened that records Hitler's order or his reaction to the supposed failure to carry it out.
You can add Chamberlain and Doyle to the people on your list of "ex post facto accounts" while you're at it. But unless you have a document, any document from the time that records Hitler never made the order, or had a reaction then you questioning something on an Internet forum doesn't make your statements accurate,... just saying.

You could always communicate with one of the authors listed above and ask what they used as a reference.

But aside from the fact a 5.0cm gun was initially requested, the German's had every reason to make it so. Tanks with bigger guns than 3.7cm were already in service by the mid 1930's. And by 1941 the German Army had obviously accepted longer gun barrels as demonstrated by the arrival of the Tiger I. But if that wasn't enough, then the German Army had already witnessed a gun barrel in action that was both bigger than 5cm, and extended beyond the front of the tank on meeting the T34.
Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
" Learning to comprehend while you read is probably all that needs to be cleared up here." Ad hominem and one you like to sling at various posters.
"He’s not just some errand boy to the assistant editor at a company called Dopey you know!?" Ad hominem and a pretty lame one too since you obviously have little notion of what work Trevor and TNDA/HERO/DMSi/TDI did.
Unfortunately Richard, I have no idea what you are talking about so what is it I should understand? You mean I am supposed to know who Trevor, TNDA/HERO/DMSi/TDI is, or what that represents, and that something I wrote has something to do with him, them, or it? It looks like the only ad hominem here is in your head, and a pretty lame one at that! Just like the last claim of mistaken identity Richard, this is all just a figment of your imagination. TMP Richard?

And BTW, pointing out that you seem unable to understand the meaning of plain English text, or that you constantly take things out of context as a form of argumentation is not an ad hominem.
Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
As in here where you quite obviously have little real idea about what I am talking about. No, I did not imply "that mobile troops as a whole turned into armoured troops" and that you think that I did demonstrates just how limited your knowledge is of this subject. And no, what I said is not out of context; you simply don't understand the context.
This is what you said:
Richard Anderson wrote:
10 Feb 2023 00:06
Yet again, despite that less than ringing endorsement, nothing came of it. The Schnelltruppen wanted tanks and when it became the Panzertruppen they still wanted tanks. A tank is a versatile offensive and defensive weapon, an assault gun is not.
Who are you referring to when you say "the Schnelltruppen", and what did they want? And more specifically, what does "when the Schnelltruppen became the Panzertruppen" mean? When I read that I understand you are talking about mobile (fast) troops in general, that they wanted tanks, and then you claim after they became armored troops they still wanted tanks.

The English meaning of your text is quite clear. I was simply pointing out that Schnelltruppen refers to all types of mechanized troop formations. I can read what your right hand wrote, but who knows if that is what your left-brain was actually trying to say.
Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
No I don't know what reports you are referring to, otherwise I wouldn't say I don't... Are you referring back to the experience reports from Panzer-Regiment 36 as quoted by Jentz?
Yes those would be the reports I was referring to. But where does it say the StuG was being evaluated as a possible one-to-one replacement for turreted AFV's? Admittedly, I didn't realize you were actually trying to use this to dismiss the feasibility of my WI at first. I thought the main point had to do with the abilities of the StuG itself. In case this isn't just you taking things out of context again, and you really are that confused, this is how Jentz describes the reports:

"The following combat reports reveal the tactics used by all the different types of Panzer-Abteilungen...(hint: he's including StuG's as a type here) that were thrown in to stop the Russian advance."

He then goes on to point out the replacement units included in the reports were sent in "piecemeal" out of desperation instead of in a concentrated powerful counteroffensive. Not only are these reports simply evaluating the use of mixed Panzer units, but they were made under extreme duress. And there is nothing in them that suggests the StuG failed as a tank, mostly because it wasn't being evaluated as one.

By the time these reports are made the Panther had already arrived, and so there would be no need to consider replacing Pz III production for StuG production at that point, because turreted versions of the Pz III were no longer being produced. They stopped production of Pz III's, and increased production of StuG's, why?

IMO, you have to be doing this on purpose because no one could possibly raise such an asinine argument, especially someone claiming to be an authority on all things WWII Germany.

Also, a large number of the Panzer divisions had formations of non-turreted AFV either as an organic part of the division, or attached. Most of these vehicles served in tank-hunter roles. And regardless of whether the assault gun/TD units were part of a panzer division, or the infantry division it was fighting beside, all assets from both divisions were committed to battle according to need. And the WI did not suggest all tanks be replaced with StuG's. It suggests Germany should have abandoned turreted versions of the Pz III several months earlier then it actually did.
Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
No, I implied no such thing, however, if you would like to quote me where I did supposedly imply such a thing, then perhaps I will point out where your lack of understanding of how things worked is tripping you up.
Here it is again:
Richard Anderson wrote:
10 Feb 2023 00:06
Yet again, despite that less than ringing endorsement, nothing came of it. The Schnelltruppen wanted tanks and when it became the Panzertruppen they still wanted tanks.
So just remind me, who were the schnelltruppen again? Because as I said, you seem to be implying the troops themselves knew what they wanted, and even after they were reclassified into another organization they still knew what they wanted.

The impression I am left with on reading that is according to you it worked similar to the way someone orders what they want from a menu. In addition to the fake experiment you created, you are trying to place the feasibility of the WI in question by suggesting the people using the tanks didn't want StuG's. How lame is that Richard?

So apparently yes, you did imply such a thing, but the WI doesn't rely on fake experiments, or your notion of what tank crews wanted.
Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
Sigh...so are you implying that because the nascent Panzer formations were initially equipped and trained with MG-armed tanks they weren't tanks? Or that to train on a "tank" required the trainees to train on a tank armed with a certain size gun? BTW, no, they were not "training" vehicles.
No, I am implying that training on Pz I's equipped only with MG's would hardly prepare the trainee for the experience he would have on meeting a T34, or that he would be happy going into combat without an effective gun as long as he had a turret.

What I am implying is those trainees were simply not equipped to form an opinion on the importance of the gun at that point, but anyone interested can read what surviving tank crews actually thought after facing T34's in books like Jentz's Panzer Truppen.... Sigh.
Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
You have a very mechanistic notion of what effectiveness is. And a very odd idea of how things would work out if your WI was followed.
There is nothing odd about wanting to take the best course of action in a desperate situation.

Making the Pz III L/60 after Germany had full knowledge of what they were up against was a waste of resources. Had they made StuG's instead while waiting for the Panther to arrive, they could have improved their situation noticeably.

Not only would they have been able to eliminate more enemy armor/experienced tank crews in the period before the Panther arrived, they would have also likely had a higher number of vehicles with effective weapons still operational when it arrived.

The Panther arrived as the German Army was essentially transitioning into full retreat. That is like putting a band-aid on a gunshot wound, and that is putting it mildly because the Panther was rushed into action out of sheer desperation. The outcome of the war at that point was for all intents and purposes nearly decided. In other words, it was too late to be saved by a turret!

Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
I'm getting less and less interested if your ignorance results in you getting offended. The purpose of a counterfactual is to develop understanding of why things happened the way they did, not for you to get your ego stroked over what a brilliant idea you had that no one ever was ever smart enough to come up with.
Yes, that is one possible outcome to a counterfactual. The counterfactual may also illuminate a plausible alternate history, which is the case here.

But I think you are hitting the nail on your own head in this regard. You can't raise an argument big enough to stroke your own ego, so you have to resort to projecting that on others.

Luckily for the rest of the free world, the Ordnance department set a tone for Germany's AFV production that would have long lasting effects, and which would end up haunting them until the end of the war.

It would have been much more productive to resolve the tank armament issue in pre-war Germany than having to deal with it after the war started. Worst-case scenario is that Germany wouldn't be ready to invade Poland in September 1939. Best-case scenario is that its divisions would have reached a higher level of mechanization before war started, and Germany wouldn't have wasted as many resources making weapons with an effective shelf life of little more than a year.

Even if it meant initially putting fake guns in all the Pz III's produced up to and including 1938, they would have been much better off. That would have not only afforded them the time to resolve concerns with gun barrel length, but it would have made the early Pz III's more relevant on the battlefield.

The end result could have been in addition to the first 70 from 1938, the 200 made in 1939 would then also be armed with the 5cm L/42, followed by the L/60 in 1940. Even if that meant the L/60 upgrade was delayed a little, it would have given Germany a much stronger foothold on the battlefield that was about to unfold, and put it more in front of the curve instead of chasing it.

Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
So now you're walking back your notion that German factories being flattened could have impacted production decisions in 1940?...
Idiotic path? No I wasn't walking anything back! The intended EFFECTS of bombing were meant to decrease production, but I never said it AFFECTED a decision in 1941.

It's now 2023, so I have the luxury of using hindsight. My initial reference to Germany's limited production capacity was in connection to an underlying point in the WI, and not a specific date.

While Germany's limited production capacity should have been self-evident to all those concerned, the detrimental effects of wasting valuable resources to make ineffective weapons would have been less obvious without prior knowledge those weapons would be rendered ineffective in such a short time. Germany could have supported its war effort much better had it used the limited resources it did have to make effective weapons while it still could. This fact would certainly become more obvious after the war starts, and air-raid sirens start sounding.

Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
Even though I corrected you once on your false claim that I said the Sturmgeschütz weren't successful you're deciding to repeat it? In some circles that is what is called a "lie". They were unsuccessful in replacing Panzer in the Panzer Division even though the experiment was tried in three divisions it was not carried through with and Hitler's all important directive was quietly ignored.
I have already addressed this above, but the only one lying here is you. There was no experiment to see if StuG's could replace tanks, not at least in reference to the reports you cited from Jentz. There was an ad hoc evaluation of mixed panzer units in an effort to find what would work best to stem the Russian advance. The StuG F-G proved to be a very effective weapon system.

You also said in an earlier post that it would be a stretch to think an L/60 equipped Pz III could change anything during Barbarossa, and I think nothing demonstrates the fundamental flaw in your reasoning better. For this to be true, there would have to be no difference in combat value between the two 5cm guns, when we know for a fact there is. And your assumption would also have to claim that out of all the engagements during Barbarossa, tank crews never found themselves in a situation where they could have used the increased penetrating power of the L/60.

Panzer crews reporting poor gun performance of the Pz III during and after Barbarossa is a general theme in almost any section the tank is discussed in Jentz.

Consider the Russian counter-offensive after Moscow. Red Army forces also struggled with men and material, so much so they were incapable of destroying the greatly weakened German units even after near encirclement. The state the two Army's were in at that point is obviously the result of the war they both waged and endured. It is hard to imagine how the Red Army would be in a better state if Germany had a more potent fighting force.

One could argue that there is at least some truth to the notion that the German Army was superior in training and tactics considering the poor performance of Red Army forces when it should have had better access to logistical support, and it didn't have tens of thousands of soldiers/partisans operating in its rear areas to further disrupt it.

But if Germany had L/60 equipped Pz III's at the start of Barbarossa, it could only have had a worsening effect on the state of Red Army forces by the time Barbarossa concluded. A similar effect would have been seen with the increased firepower the StuG F-G brings, and it would be a stretch to claim otherwise.

Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
Sorry but the lack of depth in your knowledge and reading is becoming evident again. Guderian did not "make" the Panzer divisions nor were they his. As Chief of Staff of In 6 from 1 October 1931 to 14 October 1935 he was directly involved in the organizational and equipment planning of the nascent divisions but Oswald Lutz, Werner Kempf, Friedrich Paulus, Adolf von Schell, and many others also had influence.
You forgot to mention blitzgrieg, the guest list at his wedding reception, and that in 1938 Hitler appointed his General der Panzertruppen as the Chief of Schnelletruppen. Dammit, there is that Schnell thingy again Richard!
Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
Sorry but your lack of understanding is not my problem. You are conflating StuG as Heerestruppen supporting infantry formations with Panzer formations as an arm of decision. An understanding of how and why they actually worked is kind of important.
Ja, mein Herr Kommandant.

I'm gonna go out on a limb here and say the people responsible for committing German forces into combat during WWII probably had a pretty good idea of how and why things worked.

The WI is suggesting that StuG's be produced in place of Pz III's. It is not suggesting Germany should have replaced all of its tanks with StuG's. Germany would still have tanks in the same divisions, just fewer Pz III's.

Having a larger number of more effective weapons would give them more tactical options, not less. They could have for example reallocated more of the long barreled Pz IV's for the 1942 summer offensive and replaced them with long barreled StuG's since the two Army groups remaining in the North were to basically hold defensive positions. And they could have also afforded to commit more complete Assault Gun/TD units for the summer offensive than they did.

Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
Added to an order of battle in whatever way needed? Really? So it is actually irrelevant how the units are organized and trained? The doctrine in place is irrelevant? Fascinating.
Nothing has to change in the organization and training in this WI.
Richard Anderson wrote:
16 Feb 2023 20:42
It would be really neat if you would actually quote me where I ever said "the troops themselves decided on tanks". Otherwise again I'm afraid I have to call that a simple lie. At least this time you did correct your fib about me saying Sturmgeschütz were unsuccessful.
Richard Anderson wrote:
10 Feb 2023 00:06
Yet again, despite that less than ringing endorsement, nothing came of it. The Schnelltruppen wanted tanks and when it became the Panzertruppen they still wanted tanks.
Neat!
Richard Anderson wrote:
10 Feb 2023 00:06
BTW, there is an old adage that absence of evidence is not evidence of absence. Aside from the simple fact you have been given the evidence of what the assessment was of using Sturmgeschütz as a Panzer substitute in the only three divisions that ever did so, there is the simple evidence that those were the only divisions that did so and that Hitler's direct orders were never followed in the matter. Then there is the matter of what Guderian did when he did finally take over "his" Pamzertruppen, which was a backdoor attempt at increasing the number of Panzer in the division by ending the experiment with adding a Panzer-Abteilung in the Infanterie-Division (mot) and replacing those with Sturmgeschütz.
OMG Richard, really! Blah blah blah.... experiment... blah blah... What experiment?

Richard Anderson wrote:
10 Feb 2023 00:06
Please document it then please.
I don't need to because history already has. The StuG proved itself to be a very effective weapon system, and it was produced in increasing numbers as the war progressed because of this fact. The Pz III on the other hand was phased out because of its low combat value. This is so well documented in so many different sources that only a fool would attempt to disprove it.

The serious issue of supply chains and logistical support has been repeatedly brought up in this thread, but what surprises me most is how no one considers how the Pz III added to that problem.

Because of its low combat effectiveness, fielding large numbers only sped up the loss of experienced tank crews, and consumed large amounts of fuel and ammunition while confronting a superior enemy. Another report you might want to read on page 230 in Jentz Vol. 1 describes the combat experience of P-R 203, and the report that follows on pages 231-2. As a short-term remedy to the desperate situation German Panzer units found themselves in, they had to use up to 3 tanks to combat a single T34. That would not be the case had the Pz III been on an equal footing.

You could also read the report from 17. P-D on page 43 in Jentz Vol. 2. To quote a part from that report:

"During battles this winter, excellent experiences were obtained with StuG-Abt. Because of their high mobility and firepower, they were employed and directed utilizing the same principles used for Panzers. They were superior to the panzers with regard to mobility... When available, StuG's should be included within the companies as a first wave. When StuG's aren't available, use Pz.Kpfw.IVs."

So not only are you inventing an experiment that never took place, but your interpretation of simple English text is simply not accurate.

To demonstrate how limitations of the Pz III degraded German abilities in actual battle, read Forczyk's first volume on Stalingrad. In it, he describes the "desperate stand" that took place near "collective farm No. 2".

If that battle group had Pz IV's/StuG's, it would have been able to defend the objective without having to sacrifice its 88mm Flak guns by engaging the Russian tanks head-on from a greater distance. And the scenario German losses due to ineffective weapons would have been repeated throughout the entire war.

Richard Anderson wrote:
10 Feb 2023 00:06
You truly worship Heinz don't you? I'm afraid to ask how you feel about Manstein.
Oh that's rich Dick!

I appreciate some of the German ingenuity that went into their AFV's, but that is where it ends.

The WI I raised obviously requires that my argument be in support of furthering Germany's war effort, but don't let the little stuff confuse you.

I just think its funny because after all of the efforts Germany put in to sneaking around behind the treaty of Versailles, it was in-fighting and counterproductive efforts of the Nazi's themselves that would end up playing a major role in spoiling all their plans.
Last edited by LachenKrieg on 17 Apr 2023 18:30, edited 1 time in total.

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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by LachenKrieg » 17 Apr 2023 18:12

KDF33 wrote:
17 Feb 2023 08:31
Both the Soviet 21st and 28th Armies were effectively destroyed during Blau's opening phase. They never escaped.

The 28th Army, in particular, was down to a mere 1,500 men (not a typo!) on July 17. Out of 1 tank corps, 5 rifle divisions and 3 tank brigades on June 28, only the tank corps (23rd) and 2 rifle divisions (the 15th Guards Rifle and the 38th Rifle) were still operational by the end of the month... And not as full units. Most of the 28th Army's units were in fact no longer in existence.
I think the point Aida was trying to make was that those forces were not destroyed in an encirclement, and that some of the men escaped to fight another day. That is why I said, "would have been more severely hampered then it already was".

In terms of encirclement, I think the idea was to encircle and destroy Red Army forces west of the Don before they escaped.

By 17 July the hope of encircling troop formations there had evaporated, and the front line had already moved well East of the Don where Russian defensive positions were setup to protect the approaches to Stalingrad.

The order to retreat came on the 3rd of July, and out of the three Army's in that sector, the 28th apparently faired the best with nearly 50 per cent of its forces escaping encirclement. They were severely weakened though, and were unable to stop elements of Paulus' 6th Army from crossing the Oskol river that same day.
KDF33 wrote:
17 Feb 2023 08:31
Blau didn't fail because of delays, but because (1) the plan was predicated on the Soviets no longer having substantial reserves, when in fact (2) the Soviets still had substantial reserves.
I never said it failed because of delays, I said you can't argue it wasn't a factor in the amount of time it afforded to the enemy for its retreat.

And probably of more importance is the role these delays played in Hitler's decision to split forces in pursuit of two objectives at the same time. In order to appreciate the significance of this, you would first have to consider what preceded them.

Germany was well aware of the risks posed by opening multiple fronts at the same time, and they gambled heavily on the assumption that Barbarossa would be concluded relatively quickly. The historical outcome of Barbarossa would have been sobering no doubt, but it also left a major wrinkle in the plans as war in the west loomed.

The summer offensive of 1942 was meant to secure a victory for Germany and reverse the previous years shortcomings before hostilities broke out in the West, and planning for Blau was centred on this consideration from the start.

After suffering the fiasco of Barbarossa, I think Hitler's dismay with the little delays that were taking place during the opening phase of Blau are understandable considering what was at stake, but his decision to alter the operational plan mid-stride would prove fatal.

Regardless of whether he followed the plan, or continued on the historical route taken, strengthening what was already acknowledged as a less than ideal armored force would have been extremely helpful in sticking to the plan.

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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by LachenKrieg » 17 Apr 2023 18:17

KDF33 wrote:
17 Feb 2023 08:40
This is absolutely false. The Germans had rough numerical parity with the Soviets in AFVs on Heeresgruppe Süd's (then B/A's) sector in the summer of 1942. And about 40% of said Soviet AFVs were light tanks armed with MGs/20mm autocannons.
I was talking about the Eastern Front in general in the text you quoted, and that was a typo, I meant to say 4:1. But numerical parity? The German's committed close to 1000 AFV's for Blau, do you have a source showing Red Army forces were at parity with that? And do you know what T34 production capacity was by the summer of 1942?
KDF33 wrote:
17 Feb 2023 08:40
It would make little difference in the summer of 1942, given that the Heer made short work of the Red Army's tank force at the time.
Making short work of the Red Army's tank force would be completing the operation without loss, or delay. Neither of which happened. German forces were able to inflict heavy losses during Blau, but those losses were very far from being total and complete.

Its a little bit like saying having a faster car would make no difference because you clocked a really fast lap. No actually, having a faster car would make a difference.

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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by LachenKrieg » 17 Apr 2023 18:21

KDF33 wrote:
17 Feb 2023 09:48
This is mistaken. The winter of 1941-42 saw German strength increase, and was a very successful period of defensive warfare for the Germans.
No the text you quoted accurately describes the German command's own assessment of the situation.

At the end of 1941, the German Army was no longer capable of conducting an all out offensive along the entire Eastern Front like it was at the start of Barbarossa. Operation Typhoon ended in failure, and the German Army had no other option but to fall back into defensive positions.

The entire reason for the limited operations in 1942 was because that is what the German command felt it could accomplish.

They might have been able to conduct another large scale operation had they waited till 1943 to resume their offensive, but that would have only allowed the Red Army to also rebuild its strength, while war was looming in the West.

The interesting part for me though regarding your point on defensive warfare is how it compares to the start of Barbarossa. Many have pointed out that Germany's 1941 blitzkrieg caught the Russians off-guard and ill prepared as an explanation for the huge Soviet losses.

While that may in part be true, I find it interesting that Russian losses during its winter counteroffensive were also high in comparison to its German counterpart. The Russians not only had the momentum, but the German's were at a disadvantage in terms of logistical problems and the compounding effects of partisan activity and Red Army operatives behind enemy lines.

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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by LachenKrieg » 17 Apr 2023 18:27

Aida1 wrote:
16 Feb 2023 21:17
Disregarding an experience report from a stug Abteilung because it does not suit your exaggerated notions of what a stug is capable of, is not very smart. A user is hardly going to invent an experience report a few years ago to contradict your WI . :roll: :roll:
This is a sturmgeschutz Abteilung itself pointing out the obvious problems when operating within a panzer div. You should learn from what is stated there instead of replacing it with your own wrong notions about how for example Panzer grenadiere on APC operated.
Pz div wanted more tanks in the first place.A Stug is not a tank. You can hardly pretend to know more about the subject than Guderian. :roll: :roll:
Aida, I'm not disregarding an experience report as much as I am disregarding your interpretation of it.

First of all, I have no way of verifying the information you typed out, and some of the points don't jive with known doctrine and tactics of the German's. German tank crews did not usually fire on the march for example.

So my first question would be whether you modified the source text at all?

But that isn't even the point I'm making. Clearly your mother tongue is not English, because your understanding of the text you typed out wouldn't even add up to a bad interpretation. You are inventing things that aren't even there, and replacing things that are with words that don't belong.

Regardless of what operational problems there might have been within the German Army, none of what you typed out would indicate a problem with the StuG's capabilities as an AFV.

And none of it would have any impact on the WI.

You parroting the fabrication Richard can hardly been seen as an argument. The WI never proposed that StuG's should replace tanks, or that there should be a reorganization of tank divisions. That is something Richard invented along with his fake experiment story. The WI proposed that turreted versions of the Pz III be abandoned after it had been rendered ineffective on the Eastern Front by tanks like the T34. I am interested to know though what you think a fighting retreat is, and how that would absolutely prevents a force from being encircled/captured?

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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by Richard Anderson » 17 Apr 2023 23:31

LachenKrieg wrote:
17 Apr 2023 17:49
You can add Chamberlain and Doyle to the people on your list of "ex post facto accounts" while you're at it. But unless you have a document, any document from the time that records Hitler never made the order, or had a reaction then you questioning something on an Internet forum doesn't make your statements accurate,... just saying.

You could always communicate with one of the authors listed above and ask what they used as a reference.
How? Ouija Board? AFAIK Chamberlain, Spielberger, and Jentz are all long dead. Hilary Doyle is still active as the director of the Weald Foundation but again AFAIK his primary role was as illustrator for the others; I am not aware he did any original research himself.

Isn't it rather curious though that all mentions of this action by Hitler have no documentary evidence to reference it?
But aside from the fact a 5.0cm gun was initially requested, the German's had every reason to make it so. Tanks with bigger guns than 3.7cm were already in service by the mid 1930's. And by 1941 the German Army had obviously accepted longer gun barrels as demonstrated by the arrival of the Tiger I. But if that wasn't enough, then the German Army had already witnessed a gun barrel in action that was both bigger than 5cm, and extended beyond the front of the tank on meeting the T34.
It is not a "fact" that a 5cm gun was "initially requested". It was discussed in the initial design meetings but it was not requested as part of the original design specification, the 3.7cm gun was. That tanks with bigger guns were in service has nothing to do with the supposed "facts" you make up. Nor did the Tiger I "arrive" in 1941. It was Krupp who offered Porsche the design and manufacture of a turret mounting the 8.8cm gun for the Typ 100 in February 1941...Hitler's decision ordering a test of the feasibility of mounting the 8.8cm in the VK45.01(H) was made 28 May 1941 and the contract award for the first three in the Versuchsserie was made in July 1941 and the first was completed in April 1942.

How does "witnessing" the T34 in July 1941 affect decisions made in 1940?
Unfortunately Richard, I have no idea what you are talking about
So "errand boy to the assistant editor at a company called Dopey" was just something you typed at random?
And BTW, pointing out that you seem unable to understand the meaning of plain English text, or that you constantly take things out of context as a form of argumentation is not an ad hominem. {/quote]

Really?

"errand boy to the assistant editor at a company called Dopey"

"What evidence, you mean the evidence that your making all this up?"

" Learning to comprehend while you read is probably all that needs to be cleared up here."

"you keep spewing BS"
Who are you referring to when you say "the Schnelltruppen", and what did they want? And more specifically, what does "when the Schnelltruppen became the Panzertruppen" mean? When I read that I understand you are talking about mobile (fast) troops in general, that they wanted tanks, and then you claim after they became armored troops they still wanted tanks.

The English meaning of your text is quite clear. I was simply pointing out that Schnelltruppen refers to all types of mechanized troop formations. I can read what your right hand wrote, but who knows if that is what your left-brain was actually trying to say.
The Schnelletruppen was the generic designation of the "fast" troops up until 1 April 1943 when it became Panzertruppen. The original Schnelletruppen included Panzer, Infanterie (motorisierte), Panzerjäger, Aufklärung, Reiterei, and Radfahr but after the redesignation as Panzertruppen the Reiterei and Radfahr truppen were dropped.

Both Schnelletruppen and Panzertruppen also included the training infrastructure supporting them as well. They were also the branch of service into which officers were commissioned, especially senior officers such as the Generale des Heeres - the senior general officers in each branch of service who were the decision, policy, and doctrine makers, such as Arnim, Balck, Brandenburger, Eberbach, Funck, Geyr, Henrici, Hube,Model, Reinhardt, Rommel, and so on.
By the time these reports are made the Panther had already arrived, and so there would be no need to consider replacing Pz III production for StuG production at that point, because turreted versions of the Pz III were no longer being produced. They stopped production of Pz III's, and increased production of StuG's, why?
Now you're getting to a good point. If the decision is made to convert Panzer III production to StuG III, then who builds Panther? Or do only some of the plants just converted to StuG III production now waste more time converting again?

Alkett was firmly committed to StuG production by June 1940, although they completed final assembly of DB produced chassis as Panzer III until c. February 1941.

MIAG built Panzer III until August 1943 but supplemented Alkett beginning in February 1943 building StuG III before starting to build Jagdpanther in October 1943.

Henschel built Panzer III through November 1942 but was more focused on Tiger except for the 200 Panther contracted for between March and November 1943.

Daimler-Benz was occupied mostly with building chassis for Alkett to do final assembly on with Krupp and Wegmann turrets because it was building the Befehlspanzer and did not get into full Panzer III production until March 1941.

MAN built Panzer III from early 1939 through December 1942 when it began switching over to Panther.

MNH built Panzer III from around August 1940 to August 1943 when it switched to Panther.

So only MIAG "stopped production of Pz III's, and increased production of StuGs". They did so because the requirement for StuG III was going up as more and more StuG Abteilungen were organized to support the infantry - that is, the Infanterie divisions, not the Infanterie (motorisiert) of the Panzer and Infanterie (motorisiert) divisions.

The others continued to build the Panzer III for the Schnelletruppen including the Panzer divisions and the few Infanterie (motorisiert) divisions that received Panzer Abteilungen.
IMO, you have to be doing this on purpose because no one could possibly raise such an asinine argument, especially someone claiming to be an authority on all things WWII Germany.
Could you point out where I ever claimed to be "an authority on all things WWII Germany"? Or are just interested in creating another ad hominem?
Also, a large number of the Panzer divisions had formations of non-turreted AFV either as an organic part of the division, or attached. Most of these vehicles served in tank-hunter roles. And regardless of whether the assault gun/TD units were part of a panzer division, or the infantry division it was fighting beside, all assets from both divisions were committed to battle according to need. And the WI did not suggest all tanks be replaced with StuG's. It suggests Germany should have abandoned turreted versions of the Pz III several months earlier then it actually did.
Could you give me examples of these "large number of the Panzer divisions" with "formations of non-turreted AFV either as an organic part of the division"? Please?

By July 1943, 23. Panzer Division had a Sturm-IG Batterie. Then there were the three rebuilt Stalingrad divisions (14. 16., and 24.) that each had the mixed organization. Then, 9. and 10. SS when organized with two Panzer and two StuG kompanien in their Panzer regiment's II. Abteilung. Panzer Division HG also organized its III. Abteilung with StuG.

The Panzer Division Typ 1943 as reorganized in late 1943 had zero Sturmgeschütz. Its Panzerjäger Abteilung was to have initially Marder or towed guns.

Then in early 1944, some of the divisions reorganized in France, 9. and 11. inherited training StuG from the Ersatzheer formations that were used to rebuild them. Finally, in the last year of the war units were cobbled together sometimes with whatever was available but that did not change what was wanted.

Late-war improvisation based on desperation does not reflect a change of organization.

If you could give some examples of organic or attached StuG in "panzer division, or the infantry division it was fighting beside, all assets from both divisions were committed to battle according to need" it would be appreciated. What I generally have found is very different.
Here it is again:
Repetition is not confirmation.
The impression I am left with on reading that is according to you it worked similar to the way someone orders what they want from a menu. In addition to the fake experiment you created, you are trying to place the feasibility of the WI in question by suggesting the people using the tanks didn't want StuG's. How lame is that Richard?
What "fake experiment" are you referring to...or is that just another ad hominem?

I do not know how you could get that impression unless it is from ignorance of how the military in general and the Wehrmacht in particular worked. How lame is that laughing boy?
So apparently yes, you did imply such a thing, but the WI doesn't rely on fake experiments, or your notion of what tank crews wanted.
Again, what "fake experiment"?
No, I am implying that training on Pz I's equipped only with MG's would hardly prepare the trainee for the experience he would have on meeting a T34, or that he would be happy going into combat without an effective gun as long as he had a turret.

What I am implying is those trainees were simply not equipped to form an opinion on the importance of the gun at that point, but anyone interested can read what surviving tank crews actually thought after facing T34's in books like Jentz's Panzer Truppen.... Sigh.
Um,sorry, but no duh? You seem to be deluded that in the real world the end-users desires actually were the be all and end all. It wasn't. Despite lip service usually paid by the military hierarchy to such a notion, in reality the evidence is that it was usually driven from the top. The Germans reacted more rationally in that respect than most - usually - but had their own blind spots too.

The problem is that was is usually referred to as a "lessons learned" system that should have taken that experience from the tank crews and generated changes were actually "lessons identified"...learning from them could be a very different process. From the German perspective, as well as the Panzer III 3.7cm/5cm k/5cm l/7.5cm k lunacy there was the back and forth on arming the various Ersatz medium tank projects, the heavy tank projects, and even Panther, which usually got decided by fiat rather than based upon what the end users experience was.
There is nothing odd about wanting to take the best course of action in a desperate situation.
The problem with that is that no one knows what the best course of action is until its too late. Or if they are operating with hindsight.
Making the Pz III L/60 after Germany had full knowledge of what they were up against was a waste of resources. Had they made StuG's instead while waiting for the Panther to arrive, they could have improved their situation noticeably.
By the time they "had full knowledge" of what they were "up against" it was too late.
Not only would they have been able to eliminate more enemy armor/experienced tank crews in the period before the Panther arrived, they would have also likely had a higher number of vehicles with effective weapons still operational when it arrived.

The Panther arrived as the German Army was essentially transitioning into full retreat. That is like putting a band-aid on a gunshot wound, and that is putting it mildly because the Panther was rushed into action out of sheer desperation. The outcome of the war at that point was for all intents and purposes nearly decided. In other words, it was too late to be saved by a turret!
We've been over this ad nauseum. How many more allied tanks are eliminated and how does that change the course of the war? If you look, as the Germans got more and better tanks, the Soviet tank losses decreased. See, ironclad proof that better tanks do not result in more enemy losses.
Yes, that is one possible outcome to a counterfactual. The counterfactual may also illuminate a plausible alternate history, which is the case here.
Sure, but the only problem is that you have yet to make it plausible.
But I think you are hitting the nail on your own head in this regard. You can't raise an argument big enough to stroke your own ego, so you have to resort to projecting that on others.
Ad hominem again. Are you going for a hat trick?
Luckily for the rest of the free world, the Ordnance department set a tone for Germany's AFV production that would have long lasting effects, and which would end up haunting them until the end of the war.

It would have been much more productive to resolve the tank armament issue in pre-war Germany than having to deal with it after the war started. Worst-case scenario is that Germany wouldn't be ready to invade Poland in September 1939. Best-case scenario is that its divisions would have reached a higher level of mechanization before war started, and Germany wouldn't have wasted as many resources making weapons with an effective shelf life of little more than a year.

Even if it meant initially putting fake guns in all the Pz III's produced up to and including 1938, they would have been much better off. That would have not only afforded them the time to resolve concerns with gun barrel length, but it would have made the early Pz III's more relevant on the battlefield.

The end result could have been in addition to the first 70 from 1938, the 200 made in 1939 would then also be armed with the 5cm L/42, followed by the L/60 in 1940. Even if that meant the L/60 upgrade was delayed a little, it would have given Germany a much stronger foothold on the battlefield that was about to unfold, and put it more in front of the curve instead of chasing it.
The problem is that the 3.7cm gun existed in 1934 when the decision was made, the 5cm gun did not. Yes they can put a wooden gun in its place in the 23 completed in 1937, the 38 completed in 1938, and the 206 completed in 1939 but until a real gun existed there was no way to test the design or mount. Notably, when the gun 3.7cm was replaced by the 5cm k it required a redesign of the turret front. At least the conversion from the 5cm k to l was fairly simple IIRC.

The other problem of course is that the first 65 produced were Ausf A-D so were more or less extended Versuchsserie.

quote]Idiotic path? No I wasn't walking anything back! The intended EFFECTS of bombing were meant to decrease production, but I never said it AFFECTED a decision in 1941.
Thanks for clearing that up.
It's now 2023, so I have the luxury of using hindsight.
No kidding.
My initial reference to Germany's limited production capacity was in connection to an underlying point in the WI, and not a specific date.
While Germany's limited production capacity should have been self-evident to all those concerned, the detrimental effects of wasting valuable resources to make ineffective weapons would have been less obvious without prior knowledge those weapons would be rendered ineffective in such a short time. Germany could have supported its war effort much better had it used the limited resources it did have to make effective weapons while it still could. This fact would certainly become more obvious after the war starts, and air-raid sirens start sounding.[/quote]

You think Germany's limited production capacity wasn't self-evident to all those concerned? Possibly not to Adolf but the near collapse of German production in the winter of 1940/1941 for various reasons was probably a clue.

Frankly, I think the Germans made as good a use of their limited resources to make effective weapons as could be expected. Certainly the transition from the 3.7cm KwK/PaK to the 7.5cm PaK/KwK 40 was extraordinarily quick and efficient.

It might also have something to do with production planning and political decision making being somewhat out of step.
I have already addressed this above, but the only one lying here is you. There was no experiment to see if StuG's could replace tanks, not at least in reference to the reports you cited from Jentz. There was an ad hoc evaluation of mixed panzer units in an effort to find what would work best to stem the Russian advance. The StuG F-G proved to be a very effective weapon system.
The "experiment" was not a scientific test and evaluation, it was the organization of Panzer Regiment 36., 2., and 24., in the 14., 16., and 24. Panzer Division after they were recreated in spring 1943 after being destroyed at Stalingrad. They were organized that way in order to utilize StuG production as Panzer replacements. It did not work. No other Heer Panzer divisions were so organized and the initial organizational assumptions of the three were quickly changed as well, from an organization with a regiment comprised of a four-kompanie Panzer Abteilung and a four-batterie StuG Abteilungen, to one where the second Abteilung consisted of two Panzer and two StuG kompanien.

It was not found to "work best to stem the Russian advance" - not in the Panzer division at least. It was also a case of robbing Peter to pay Paul. Those replacement StuG that went to those three Panzer divisions did not got to StuG Abteilungen. The 26 StuG Abteilungen and 2 Batterien on 10 June 1943 shared 636 operational StuG between them - about two-thirds strength.
You also said in an earlier post that it would be a stretch to think an L/60 equipped Pz III could change anything during Barbarossa, and I think nothing demonstrates the fundamental flaw in your reasoning better. For this to be true, there would have to be no difference in combat value between the two 5cm guns, when we know for a fact there is. And your assumption would also have to claim that out of all the engagements during Barbarossa, tank crews never found themselves in a situation where they could have used the increased penetrating power of the L/60.
More L/60 equipped Panzer III could only effect Panzer III, of which there were 965 at the beginning of the campaign, with 660 lost and 277 replaced by 1 January 1942.

It would have no effect on the 959 Czech "Panzer III" at the beginning of the campaign, of which 796 were lost and 108 replaced.
Or the 439 Panzer IV of which 348 were lost and 80 replaced.
Or the 250 StuG of which 96 were lost and 12 replaced.
Or the 926 Panzer I/II of which 852 were lost and 36 replaced.

(snip repetitive speculation)
You forgot to mention blitzgrieg, the guest list at his wedding reception, and that in 1938 Hitler appointed his General der Panzertruppen as the Chief of Schnelletruppen. Dammit, there is that Schnell thingy again Richard!
What is blitzgrieg and why should I care about a wedding reception other than my son's? And why dodge the simple fact that Guderian did not "make" the Panzer divisions nor were they his. as you implied.

General der Panzertruppen was a rank that preceded the change of designation from the Schnelletruppen to Panzertruppen.
Ja, mein Herr Kommandant.

I'm gonna go out on a limb here and say the people responsible for committing German forces into combat during WWII probably had a pretty good idea of how and why things worked.

The WI is suggesting that StuG's be produced in place of Pz III's. It is not suggesting Germany should have replaced all of its tanks with StuG's. Germany would still have tanks in the same divisions, just fewer Pz III's.
Okay, sure. So how many? Who of the five other than Alkett stops building Panzer III and converts to StuG III? Does Daimler stop building Befehlspanzer to produce StuG? Does Henschel stop early and not produce Tiger? How long does it take? Generally the loss of production extended over some months and in least one case an entire month of production was lost.
Having a larger number of more effective weapons would give them more tactical options, not less. They could have for example reallocated more of the long barreled Pz IV's for the 1942 summer offensive and replaced them with long barreled StuG's since the two Army groups remaining in the North were to basically hold defensive positions. And they could have also afforded to commit more complete Assault Gun/TD units for the summer offensive than they did.
You are going to have somewhat fewer than the historical 965 Panzer III deployed and somewhat more than the historical 250 StuG deployed. Which are a fraction of the total Panzer force and its losses. Do you really think such a tweak will have earthshattering consequences?
Nothing has to change in the organization and training in this WI.
Yes, it does.

(snip failure to respond to a simple question)
OMG Richard, really! Blah blah blah.... experiment... blah blah... What experiment?
You know, the three regiments - the three divisions - the never repeated experiment?
I don't need to because history already has. The StuG proved itself to be a very effective weapon system, and it was produced in increasing numbers as the war progressed because of this fact. The Pz III on the other hand was phased out because of its low combat value. This is so well documented in so many different sources that only a fool would attempt to disprove it.
You keep on pretending I ever said the StuG was ineffective or unsuccessful. I didn't. The Panzer III was replaced because a better tank was designed and the Germans had Hobson's choice.
The serious issue of supply chains and logistical support has been repeatedly brought up in this thread, but what surprises me most is how no one considers how the Pz III added to that problem.

Because of its low combat effectiveness, fielding large numbers only sped up the loss of experienced tank crews, and consumed large amounts of fuel and ammunition while confronting a superior enemy. Another report you might want to read on page 230 in Jentz Vol. 1 describes the combat experience of P-R 203, and the report that follows on pages 231-2. As a short-term remedy to the desperate situation German Panzer units found themselves in, they had to use up to 3 tanks to combat a single T34. That would not be the case had the Pz III been on an equal footing.
Panzer-Regiment 203? You mean the regiment that at that point had been in existence for about five months? That was equipped with 70-odd Panzer III, about half of which were the 5cm l and the rest 5cm k? Why not look at the experience of Panzer-Regiment 201 on p. 232? It's claimed 8-to-1 exchanged ratio with 5cm l and 7.5cm PaK 40 L43 isn't very impressive compared to the exchange ratios in 1941 when the Soviets lost at a 10-to-1 exchange rate.
Oh that's rich Dick!
Laughing boy you're a gem. You ask and I answer nicely, please don't call me Dick, so what do you do? Nice.
I appreciate some of the German ingenuity that went into their AFV's, but that is where it ends.

The WI I raised obviously requires that my argument be in support of furthering Germany's war effort, but don't let the little stuff confuse you.
It doesn't confuse me at all.
I just think its funny because after all of the efforts Germany put in to sneaking around behind the treaty of Versailles, it was in-fighting and counterproductive efforts of the Nazi's themselves that would end up playing a major role in spoiling all their plans.
I'm not sure those too counterpoint each other enough to make a funny but whatever.
Richard C. Anderson Jr.

American Thunder: U.S. Army Tank Design, Development, and Doctrine in World War II
Cracking Hitler's Atlantic Wall
Hitler's Last Gamble
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Terry Duncan
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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by Terry Duncan » 18 Apr 2023 02:33

A timely reminder to people that name calling as well as calling people liars without providing evidence are not allowed here. Please try to play nice, there is no need to butt heads just because spring is here.

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LachenKrieg
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Re: The Army Ordnance Department plays a role in the outcome at Stalingrad.

Post by LachenKrieg » 19 Apr 2023 16:05

Terry, appreciate the reminder. Thanks.
Richard Anderson wrote:
17 Apr 2023 23:31
It is not a "fact" that a 5cm gun was "initially requested". It was discussed in the initial design meetings... That tanks with bigger guns were in service has nothing to do with the supposed "facts" you make up. Nor did the Tiger I "arrive" in 1941.
That tanks with bigger guns were already in service has everything to do with it. This fact would have not only provided the background to the discussions that took place, but would have also provided the well-founded reason to make such a request.

Both world wars were punctuated by the efforts of all combatants constantly trying to gain an advantage. You are now sort of trying to suggest that what makes the most sense to you is that less firepower then what other nations had already put in service would have been requested, when you already admitted to know the Ordnance department used its position of influence to standardize on the infantry gun of the day.

And I never said the Tiger arrived in 1941, I said the Tiger's arrival demonstrates that Germany had already gotten over the gun barrel issue by 1941. But the gun barrel issue is not something that disqualifies the WI because all it amounts to is a decision that Germany was capable of making either way.
Richard Anderson wrote:
17 Apr 2023 23:31
How does "witnessing" the T34 in July 1941 affect decisions made in 1940?
It doesn't! But what it does do is demonstrate support for the point being made above. Trying to gain an advantage on the battlefield was not a new concept in 1940.
Richard Anderson wrote:
17 Apr 2023 23:31
So "errand boy to the assistant editor at a company called Dopey" was just something you typed at random?
There was nothing random about it. I was literally sitting at my computer intending to type a response to your comments. You seemed to be discrediting Spielburger, and I didn't think it was justified. I personally think he has made a significant contribution to our understanding of German WWII AFV's.
Richard Anderson wrote:
17 Apr 2023 23:31
You think Germany's limited production capacity wasn't self-evident to all those concerned?
No, as I said it should have been self-evident, and I believe it was. I don't know how it couldn't be.
Richard Anderson wrote:
17 Apr 2023 23:31
Frankly, I think the Germans made as good a use of their limited resources to make effective weapons as could be expected. Certainly the transition from the 3.7cm KwK/PaK to the 7.5cm PaK/KwK 40 was extraordinarily quick and efficient.
It's not that I disagree with you, it's that the transition from a 3.7cm gun was unnecessary, and should have never taken place. That is the initial source of the problem.
Richard Anderson wrote:
17 Apr 2023 23:31
The "experiment" was not a scientific test and evaluation, it was the organization of Panzer Regiment... It was not found to "work best to stem the Russian advance" - not in the Panzer division at least...
This is what I mean by you either not understanding what I wrote, or you taking things I said out of context. I never said the StuG was found to work best to stem the Russian advance.

Read Jentz V2, Page 108. In chapter 26, Jentz includes combat reports that he states: "reveal the tactics used by all the different types of Panzer-Abteilungen that were thrown in to stop the Russians advance". StuG's are included as a type. You cited 4 of those reports claiming they were meant to determine whether StuG's could replace turreted AFV's, which is not accurate.

After Germany failed to recapture Kursk, the Russian waves that followed put German forces on the defense where all they were doing was reacting to each situation like a fire brigade. Given all the issues being faced with men, material, and resupply, Germany was desperately tying to find what worked best to formulate a plan to stabilize the front. Those reports are an account of what transpired in that period.

The report on page 129-131 for example is interesting. In it Guderian writes how 30 Panthers knocked out 89 tanks/assault guns, and 150 AT-guns with only 6 total write-offs. He also mentions how ammo consumption was relatively low. At the end of the report, he provides 6 essential principals for the successful employment of Panther tanks.

The 2nd principle is about leveraging the Panther's firepower to engage the enemy at long range. A large number of engagements in the summer offensive of 42 also took place over wide-open terrain where long barrelled Pz IV/StuG would have been much more effective than Pz III's. And where the lower profile of the StuG would be a force multiplier to the significantly increased firepower it offered.

The 4th principle relates to the use of other tanks/StuG's, and Pz-Grenadiere for flank protection. It matters little if the other tanks/StuG's are an organic part of the parent division the Panther's belong to, if they are attached, or if they are part of a P-G division. They would have been committed to fill a role in the battle as needed. And that is the answer to your question. StuG production was used to fill the requirements of another organization, which the Panzer division could and did use when needed.

Remember, Jentz's books are titled "Panzer Truppen", and StuG crews were not considered a part of the Panzer Truppen. But they were still an integral part of the German forces used during WWII, and they were quite often requested by Panzer divisions to participate in operations.
Richard Anderson wrote:
17 Apr 2023 23:31
More L/60 equipped Panzer III could only effect Panzer III... It would have no effect on...
Not true Rich. One of the effects of an alternate history is that you create an alternate history LOL. For example, a T34 crew that knocked out 4 tanks in a historical battle would be unable to do so if in the alternate history it gets knocked out before hand. The net effect would be an increased number of enemy losses, with better conservation of German men and material.

The better conservation of men and material would not be confined to just the Pz III L/60. It would affect whatever forces were historically destroyed by the T34 after being knocked out in the counterfactual.
Richard Anderson wrote:
17 Apr 2023 23:31
Okay, sure. So how many? Who of the five other than Alkett stops building Panzer III and converts to StuG III?
There were approximately 1900 Pz III L/60 tanks made. Instead of committing the resources needed to make the chassis/Pz III superstructure, and turret, the same resources could be used to make a chassis and StuG superstructure.

The WI is not increasing the number of Pz III chassis made, it is simply using the same number that were made to make more StuG's. The production lines no longer making Pz III superstructures and turrets could be converted for parts and assembly of StuG's as needed.
Richard Anderson wrote:
17 Apr 2023 23:31
Yes, it does.
No it doesn't. See above.
Richard Anderson wrote:
17 Apr 2023 23:31
Panzer-Regiment 203? You mean the regiment that at that point had been in existence for about five months? That was equipped with 70-odd Panzer III, about half of which were the 5cm l and the rest 5cm k? Why not look at the experience of Panzer-Regiment 201 on p. 232? It's claimed 8-to-1 exchanged ratio with 5cm l and 7.5cm PaK 40 L43 isn't very impressive compared to the exchange ratios in 1941 when the Soviets lost at a 10-to-1 exchange rate.
I was happy, and enjoyed reading all the comments you guys left regarding troop numbers, and when reserves arrived, but as the OP I was hoping the topic would lead to discussions on how Germany achieved the successes it did against a numerically superior enemy, because I think it could enrich the communities’ readership.

Jentz actually posed the question before answering with "panzer and blitzkrieg", but I think this was stated in more general terms. I think the full answer has many more layers, one of which may be linked to your point above on exchange rates.

How well did early Red tank crews understand sloped armor? Did they realize turning to expose their side and rear allowed the enemy to exploit a weakness, or were they acting out of fear? And was it purely a common fear of battle, or was there something else contributing to that fear?

The Panther report I cited above has an exchange rate of 15:1 for tanks, and 40:1 for total number of guns, but have a look at the report in Jentz V1. page 243. In it a company commander equipped with nothing but light tanks, a captured T34, and 3 Marder III's describes how he went up against T34/KV tanks.

The first point to note is how a weak fighting force contributes to increased ammo consumption. The second point is how resourceful the company commander was in dealing with the threat, and how that seems to have forced the Red tank crews to panic and run.

I believe there was a qualitative difference between German and Red Army combatants, but I also strongly believe that differences in the tank designs themselves caused Red crews to experience higher levels of fear and anxiety during battle.

But going back to the issue of replacing Pz III's with StuG's, the two reports not only demonstrate differences between a weak ineffective fighting force and a more potent one, but how deploying the latter can result in earth shattering consequences. Had Germany abandoned the Pz III earlier in favor of the StuG, they may have also been better equipped to resolve some of the technical issues with the Panther before sending it into battle.

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